Conclusion

Southern Baptists have long been committed to religious liberty and the principle of keeping the institutions of church and state separate.  But the BJC has gone far beyond “institutional” separation.  The reason the BJC has found allies in every far-left, anti-conservative Christian organization in American politics is because the BJC supports “ideological” separation, where the principles and values rooted in Scripture are systematically extracted from all areas where government is involved.  The BJC’s close relationship with leading humanists is rooted in its similar views of “religious liberty” and church/state separation.  According to the Humanist Manifesto II: “The separation of church and state and the separation of [Christian] ideology and state are imperatives.  The state should encourage maximum freedom for different moral, political, religious and social values in society.”  Though the BJC claims it does not support the separation of God from government, that is exactly what the BJC and its allies on the left advocate.  That is what the “secular state” is all about.  Leading humanists have long understood that a “secular state” that was ever expanding and that controlled a virtual monopoly in “secular,” government education would eventually produce a “secular society.”  Thus, this is the reason for the major emphasis of the left on sustaining a virtual monopoly in government education.  And this is the reason for the major emphasis of the left on using “religious liberty” as the vehicle to completely secularize the educational philosophy of the government schools.  How far America has come from the founding of Princeton in 1746 when it was declared: “Cursed be all learning that is contrary to the cross of Christ.”  And though an entire response to this aspect of the BJC could and should be written, our BJC flyer did not deal with these issues. 

In concluding this defense of our BJC flyer, I would like to reiterate one specific point we made earlier: The BJC does not say “we support abortion rights,” or “we support homo-sexuality,” or “we favor the free flow of pornographic material,” or “we believe taxpayers should  be forced to fund offensive ‘art’ that has even included the desecration of Jesus Christ.”  Instead, claiming to take “no position” on each of these issues, the BJC simply claims to be a champion of religious liberty and church/state separation.  It just happens that the BJC’s opposition to conservative Christians and conservative Christian organizations is a necessary outgrowth of the BJC’s commitment to defend their precious “wall of separation between church and state.  Such individuals and organizations are identified as the “Radical Religious Right” because they “pose significant dangers to our churches, our political system, and our American way of life.”  However, the very reason conservative Christians are identified by the BJC and its allies on the far-left as the “Radical Religious Right” is because of their strong stand against abortion, homosexuality, pornography and taxpayer funded offensive “art.” 

One of the most blatant examples of the BJC’s support and involvement in advancing the agenda of the far-left is seen in its leadership role in the production of the How to Win political training manual. (See section IX)  This manual reflects everything we at the Missouri Baptist Laymen’s Association see as being wrong with the BJC.  Despite the How to Win manual’s extreme pro-abortion, pro-homosexuality, pro-pornography and pro-federal funding for the arts positions,  Mr. Tichenor justifies the BJC’s leadership role in the production of the manual because the “radical right” represents a threat to religious liberty and the “wall” of separation.  For Mr. Tichenor, fighting for religious liberty and church/state separation and fighting against conservative Christians and conservative Christian organizations are simply two sides of the same coin.  He states:  The BJC entered into the [How to Win] coalition effort to produce the manual because it believed that a document was needed to enable people to oppose the philosophy of many on the radical right that would water down religious liberty and knock down the wall of separation between church and state.” 

For the BJC and its numerous allies on the left, among the key organizations of the Religious Right are Focus on the Family, Christian Coalition, American Family Association and Traditional Values Coalition.  According to People for the American Way, whose president serves on the board of the BJC, these four organizations represent “The Religious Right’s Big Four.”  To the BJC, these groups, and numerous other conservative Christian organizations, are dangerous, extremists and fanatics. 

In recommending a book critical of  such conservative Christian leaders as James Dobson, Don Wildmon, Beverly LaHaye, David Barton and others, BJC executive director James Dunn writes: “I’m convinced that good people of every spiritual hue, precisely for their decency, cannot comprehend how profoundly outrageous the goals, evil the methods and pervasive the influence of religio-political extremists.  Many see those so labeled as merely religious and political conservatives.  How dangerous our naivete!  How frightening our ignorance!  …[T]he Anti-Defamation League has pulled together under one cover not only the facts but also the feelings we know as we face these fanatics.”  

Americans United for Separation of Church and State, where James Dunn has served as a trustee since the early 1980’s is equally hostile toward conservative Christian leaders.  Writing in a 1994 Americans United fundraising letter about the above mentioned “Religious Right” leaders, AU executive director Barry Lynn states: “The Religious Right must be stopped!  And the sooner the better – before they gain any more power.”  In a 1995 fundraising letter, Mr. Lynn writes about the Religious Right’s assault on religious freedom: “…we need more funds … to expand all our work to get more Americans involved in stopping the Religious Right extremism that threatens everyone’s religious freedom.”  In a 1996 fundraising letter, Mr. Lynn notes that Americans United continues to uncover “dangerous, ‘stealth’ Religious Right groups like Focus on the Family and the Promise Keepers.”  In the same letter, Mr. Lynn states: “Religious Right outfits like James Dobson’s Focus on the Family, Concerned Women for America, the Family Research Council, the Traditional Values Coalition, and others continue to crank out hateful propaganda attacking the wall of separation built by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.    It’s up to Americans United to show our leaders that the agenda of the Religious Right isn’t mainstream – it’s extreme.” 

According to a May 30, 1995 statement published by Foy Valentine’s Center for Christian Ethics, entitled “Countering the Radical Religious Right”: “We are alarmed because the Radical Religious Right poses significant dangers to our churches, our political system, and our American way of life.”  According to the statement: “… in sincere Christian love we are compelled to take issue with the Radical Religious Right whose initiatives disturb Christians and concerned citizens across the political spectrum.”  Valentine was president of Americans United when Barry Lynn was elected to the position of executive director.  Valentine has also served as a board member of the BJC.  Those signing the anti-Religious Right statement included nine leaders from the BJC, including BJC executive director James Dunn; nine leaders from Americans United, including AU executive director Barry Lynn; and seven members of the Coordinating Council of the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship, including CBF coordinator Cecil Sherman and Dan Vestal, who would later take Sherman’s place.   

For the Baptist Joint Committee, it is much easier to defend its opposition to the “Radical Religious Right” than to defend its support for abortion rights, homosexual behavior, the free-flow of pornography and federal funding for offensive “art.” But no matter how they say it, it’s still just two ways of saying the same thing.  Indeed, it is a distinction without a difference. 

 

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